About us Subscription | Guest Book | Contact us

 

News & Views on the Revolutionary Left



Looking for Nepal's 'disappeared'

Looking for Nepal's 'disappeared'
By Mark Dummett
BBC News, Kathmandu

Ram Prasad Acharya
Acharya ran a small roadside restaurant

Ram Prasad Acharya disappeared four years ago.

The last time his wife, Ruku, saw him he was being dragged out of their house by soldiers, wrapped in a blanket.

It was 3.45 in the morning and he was not given time to dress.

He is one of 937 Nepalese civilians who the International Committee of the Red Cross has listed as missing; their whereabouts still unknown, a year after the decade-long conflict ended.

Most of the "disappeared", about 800, were allegedly abducted, like Ram, by the security forces, after the government declared a state of emergency in 2001, and ordered the army to crush the Maoist insurgents.

Ruku believes Ram is still alive, probably still a prisoner, but perhaps wandering the country, having lost his mind.

She is well aware that human rights organisations, and released prisoners, accuse the army of having tortured and killed detainees, and that most people think the bodies of the missing are buried in unmarked graves.

"My heart feels very heavy. Sometimes I feel like I'm going to faint, I'm absolutely terrified."

Caught in the middle

Ruku says Ram was suspected of supporting the rebels, who then had a strong presence in their home district, Dhading, about a one-and-a-half-hour drive from Kathmandu.

Eighteen other people from the area were seized around the same time, suggesting that this was a deliberate tactic employed by local commanders.

As the owner of a small roadside restaurant, Ram would sometimes be asked by the Maoists for food.

He was not a supporter of their "People's War", but an innocent caught between the two sides, his wife says.

Ruku
Ruku believes her husband is still alive

"They [the Maoists] didn't come here very often, and there was nothing we could do to stop them."

After he was seized, Ruku tracked him to an army barracks in the capital.

Other suspects, who were later released, told her they had met Ram there.

"We didn't know where they had taken him at first, but then we heard he was taken to Jagadal barracks in Chhauni.

"When we went there some of the guards denied he was there. Others guards said he was, but they wouldn't let us visit him, and they wouldn't give us permission to talk to their officers," Ruku said.

'No evidence'

According to Colonel Dharma Baniya of the Nepal Army's Human Rights Directorate, there is no record that Ram Prasad Acharya was ever a prisoner of the military.

He challenged the accuracy of the Red Cross figures, and said the victims' relatives, like Ruku, might have confused army personnel for members of different security forces, such as the Armed Police Force.

"If we get some clues that we had done these violations we will punish the people and make these things public. But for those 800 cases there is no confirmed evidence we were involved.

"Unless some organisation or some individual comes to us with some evidence, with some proof, with some witness, we don't believe those cases."

Col Baniya says the army investigates all allegations made against it, and has punished 162 soldiers for committing abuses during the war.

"Maybe in South Asia we are the only country whose army is so serious about the protection and promotion of human rights," he said.

But the families of the missing do not see it that way, and feel let down by the government alliance, which is made up of the Maoists and seven mainstream political parties.

Nepal demonstration
The relatives of the missing say they feel let down by the government

When they signed their peace agreement eight months ago, they promised to reveal the truth about the disappearances within six weeks.

More recently the Supreme Court ordered a commission to be set up to investigate and pay out compensation.

"We've been deceived so many times," Ruku says.

"Last year we went to the interior minister. He promised to reveal the whereabouts of all the missing within one week, but we still haven't heard from him."

The problem, the relatives say, is that some current government leaders supported the decision to deploy the army against the Maoists in 2001, so they do not want the truth about their brutal tactics to come out.

'Covering up'

According to the Maoist's leader, Pushpa Kamal Dahal, commonly known by his nom de guerre Prachanda, forces linked to King Gyanendra, the then head of state, are blocking investigations.

"There are some people, mainly the royalist people, who are responsible for these crimes against humanity, and they want to block, to derail this process," he told me at a rally organised by the Maoists to put pressure on the government.

Their involvement in the campaign has led some families to accuse them of politicising what for them is a personal matter.

Father of a missing man
A father displays a poster of his missing son

Critics also point out that the Maoists are accused of covering up their own "disappearances".

According to the Red Cross, they have not accounted for more than 100 of their own prisoners, something Prachanda completely refutes: "In our assessment this is a lie. All the Maoist prisoners have been released. They have not been disappeared. This is wrong, a fake charge," he told me.

Back in Dhading, Ruku says she "hopes against hope" that she will soon discover what happened to her husband.

A spokesman for Prime Minister GP Koirala says Ruku just needs to be patient; that the truth will come out now that the war is over.

But, ominously, Nepal is not yet at peace.

Journalists are often intimidated; there has been a wave of abductions of businessmen in the capital, and political violence is on the increase in the southern Terai region.

The thuggish Maoist youth wing The Young Communist League regularly beats up and detains opponents, while their own leaders have been the victims of armed militants, who recently launched a campaign for greater regional autonomy.

BBC

Labels:

posted by Resistance 7/19/2007 10:13:00 PM, ,




Anti-Maoist Nepali group trains suicide bombers

kathmandu • A band of former soldiers, ex-police personnel and victims of Maoist guerrillas have united in Nepal to form a Hindu army with suicide bombers to fight Islamic and Christian zealots as well as communists.

Called the Nepal Defence Army, the group is headed by a former policeman who says he joined the Communist Party of Nepal-Unified Marxist Leninist as a schoolboy but has now begun waging war on his former comrades.

The ex-cop, who today calls himself 'Parivartan' (change), claims his band has nearly 1,200 trained soldiers who possess arms and have the expertise to manufacture explosives.

Earlier this year, the Nepal Defence Army made its debut with a couple of blasts, including at the well-guarded office of the Maoists in Kathmandu.

Yesterday, a Nepali tabloid carried an extensive interview with the shadowy leader, saying he had walked into the tabloid's city office to talk about his organisation.

"Nepal Defence Army has been founded to fight for Hinduism," Parivartan told Nepali weekly Ghanata R. Bichar. "Hindus worldwide support us, including the families of top Maoist leaders. Our soldiers are being trained across the border in India and we get the ingredients for manufacturing explosives from India."

However, the new revolutionary said his group had no links with King Gyanendra.

"We are not funded by the palace," he said. "If the palace had tried to promote Hinduism and Nepal as a Hindu state, we wouldn't have to wage our war. We don't dabble in politics. Our sole aim is to form a Hindu state."

Parivartan told the weekly that his party didn't want bloodshed. "The bombs we threw at the Maoist office were intended as a warning and not to kill," he said. "I stopped plans to assassinate Maoist chief Prachanda and Maoist minister Dev Gurung.

"But if the warning is not taken seriously, the eight-party ruling alliance can suffer serious losses."

The shadowy leader held Maoists as their main enemy. "During their 10-year war, the Maoists destroyed and desecrated temples and attacked priests," he said. "But they never destroyed any church or mosque."

Parivartan ended with a dire warning. "We have trained five suicide bombers who can go anywhere, including Singh Durbar (the seat of administration)."

Peninsula

Labels: ,

posted by Resistance 6/21/2007 06:59:00 PM, ,




'We can't influence Naxalites': C P Gajurel

Despite India's wish that the Nepali Maoists could influence their Indian counterparts (or "Naxalites"), who are still waging guerilla warfare against the state (something done by the Nepali Maoists until last year), to bring them to the political mainstream, CP Gajurel said his party can't help India in this regard.

"We also want them (the Naxalites) to enter the parliamentary mainstream, but it may not be possible," said Gajurel. "We don't want to influence them. Though we share common ideologies, all parties are independent to go about their actions." He said each party has its own "strategies and tactics".


Though he said the strained relationship between his party and the Naxalites has improved, the CPN(M) is still holding a "wait and see" policy. Both the parties, according to Gajurel, are neither in physical contact nor plan to meet. However, speaking at a program organized at Goldsmiths College in London on March 12, he mentioned about "link between the CPI(M) and the Nepali revolution".


He also said his party is in constant touch with the governments in India, China, the UK, Germany, Switzerland, and other liberal European countries.

eKantipur.com

Labels: ,

posted by Resistance 4/22/2007 09:49:00 AM, ,




‘India doesn’t want Maoists to come to power in Nepal’ CP Gajurel

A senior Politburo member of the Maoists in Nepal and in-charge of international relations, CP Gajurel was until recently jailed in India. In Delhi for the first time as an overground leader, he speaks on what lies ahead

CP Gajurel
Photo by
Sankarshan Thakur

The pace of the
development of the Maoist revolution in India is very slow
What is your understanding of what is happening in Nepal today?
Something remarkable has happened in Nepal. We have a situation in which probably for the first time a despotic monarchy is going to be overthrown by the ballot. Monarchies have always been overthrown through violent revolution, but in Nepal, because of the 10-year people’s war and the 19-day street rebellion last year, we have a situation where the monarchy is going to be dismantled by peaceful means. That is what we are trying to accelerate. And the struggle the Maoists waged has meant even the so-called mainstream political parties are now pushing for the removal of the monarchy. And it appears to me that India is supportive of that, although India seems to want the Maoists not to get the majority. India would rather have the other parties in a majority.

Why do you say that?

Because once the Maoists get the majority, India thinks that a genuine people’s republic will be created and India would not like that.

But are you saying this on the basis of something concrete?
I do not have any concrete proof of the Indian thinking but the political line of its establishment is very clear. This is true of the main parties both in government and the opposition. Initially, India supported the monarchy because it thought only the monarchy could suppress the Maoists, but the people of Nepal have changed all that and India has to recognise the new reality. But even then, India will want a convenient sort of republic.

What do you mean by that?
I mean a republic that Indians are comfortable with, like their own parliamentary type of republic.

So what sort of republic do you want?
A people’s republic.

Not a parliamentary republic?
You can say something like that. There will be a parliament, of course, but not of the sort that exists today. Essentially it will have to be a people’s republic which can solve the basic problems of Nepal. An anti-imperialist and anti-feudal republic.
What you are saying is very significant. You are saying that the biggest roadblock in your struggle was the monarchy, which is now in the process of being dismantled. That done, your next battle will be with what we know to be the mainstream political parties, the Nepali Congress etc.
At the moment we cannot speak like this because our main target still is the monarchy. It has lost support among the masses but it still has its backers. For example, the US is backing it, there are also political forces within Nepal that are for the monarchy. With their help, the monarchy is still trying very hard to survive. In terms of strategy, we want to target only one force at a time, and now it is the monarchy. Once we overthrow the monarchy, we will think about the mainstream parties.

You have given up a decade-long armed struggle to come into the political process. Looking back, do you think the struggle was wrong or would you say it was an inevitable process Nepal had to go through?
First of all, we have not given up either our arms or the armed struggle. We have only suspended that strategy. Armed struggle was an inevitable process, we could not have come here without waging the people’s war. And what we are trying to do now is also part of that process, through which we want to achieve a people’s republic. This is the continuation of the people’s war in a different form, but we have not given up the armed struggle. If we think it is required, we will resume it.

Do you have a timeframe in mind?
Yes, definitely. If all moves smoothly, elections will be held and the first meeting of the elected constituent assembly will decide the fate of the monarchy and the character of the future Nepali state. Of course we will win that election so we are hopeful we will be able to implement the roadmap we have. Mid-May is the time elections should be held and that is when the changes will come. We will have a people’s republic after that election.

What is the basis of your confidence about winning the election? You have never contested elections, we have no idea of your real strength.
We have the support of the overwhelming majority of the Nepali people, we control more than 80 percent of the country, we were the virtual government in those areas. We have been working among the people, so we have a fair idea of what our strength is. And it is not that we have no experience of elections. When democracy came back to Nepal, we contested the first election; this was before the Communist Party of Nepal split and we went underground. There is no question that we will get the majority if it is free and fair.

A lot of people say that the hold you had in large parts of Nepal was because of the fear you created with the gun and is not genuine support.
Of course, there are people who will complain about it. They are the class enemies, the enemies of the people, and we drove them out. We cannot work to please them. But as far as the masses are concerned, they are happy because they feel liberated from the feudal system.

What happens to the King of Nepal once the monarchy is gone?
No privileges. He will be just another citizen. A lot of his property is really the property of the state which he has been using as his own. That the state will take back from him. As far as everything else is concerned, the law will apply to Gyanendra as it applies to everyone.

What has brought this change from the king being treated as Vishnu’s avatar to being a common man?
Those are all myths, this avatar-of-Vishnu business. The reality of the people of Nepal is that they have been suffering at the hands of an exploitative system. It is our scientific ideology that changed the temper of the people. Maybe a long, long time ago, the king was worshipped as a god, but the struggle against the monarchy has been on for a long time. But there was no good leadership. It is the success of the Maoist leadership that has brought victory to the democratic and republican sentiments of the people of Nepal. And, of course, Gyanendra’s behaviour in power forced to people to oppose him more determinedly.

But some parties you are in alliance with are themselves feudal and status quoist in nature. How long is this partnership going to last?
It is not going to be smooth. The alliance was their compulsion, not ours. Earlier these same parties were allying with the king to fight us. They tried to physically finish the Maoist movement, but they have come to realise it would not work because the will of the Nepali people was behind the Maoists, we have forced them to change and, instead, ally with us. Also, I think they realised that they cannot work with an autocrat like Gyanendra who only wanted all the powers for himself.

Do you think India’s suspicion of the Nepali Maoists has something to do with the Maoist movement in India?
Definitely, it does. We have clarified our relationship with the Indian Maoists.

What is it?
We have ideological and political ties that we will not hide. That is what the international proletarian movement is all about. As a Maoist party, we have to have that relationship, we cannot escape that. But we do not have a working relationship, we never had one and don’t plan to in future.

But a lot of the Nepali Maoist activity has been based out of India.
Yes, but we have seven million Nepali people in India, don’t forget. We have our own networks. We don’t need anybody’s help, we can do that in our own way, with the help of our people. There has never been cause for us to worry on that count.

What is your understanding of the way the Maoist movement in India is going? Is Nepal a model?
Look, there can be no photocopies. Every movement has its own course, so Nepal is not necessarily an example to follow. But they have to evaluate why the pace of the development of revolution in India is so slow. It is not our responsibility to tell them, they must think about it and make their strategy accordingly.

Labels: ,

posted by Resistance 2/19/2007 09:34:00 AM, ,


Previous posts

Posts(atom) Home